Dismantling North Korea’s nuclear program has long been an American priority, and President Trump has tried to do so through unusual means: direct diplomacy with the North’s leader, Kim Jong-un. It started in Singapore in 2018 but began to fall apart last February, when Mr. Trump and Mr. Kim emerged from a summit meeting in Vietnam empty-handed. In the interim, sanctions have remained, the North’s arsenal of weapons fuel and missiles has steadily expanded, and Mr. Kim recently threatened to resume missile tests.
Yes. I would be willing to meet with Kim if it advances substantive negotiations, but not as a vanity project. Any summit must be part of a clear strategy, with substantive agreement already reached at the working level, and developed in close coordination with our allies and partners.
Yes. I would be willing to meet with Kim if it advances substantive negotiations, but not as a vanity project. Any summit must be part of a clear strategy, with substantive agreement already reached at the working level, and developed in close coordination with our allies and partners.
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Senator Klobuchar believes we need to work with our allies to make clear to Kim Jong-un that further development of North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs will only lead to further economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation. At the same time, Senator Klobuchar is prepared to offer incentives for positive actions, but these must be tied directly to verifiable and irreversible steps toward denuclearization. She believes these specific issues need to be addressed through negotiations.
Senator Klobuchar believes we need to work with our allies to make clear to Kim Jong-un that further development of North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs will only lead to further economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation. At the same time, Senator Klobuchar is prepared to offer incentives for positive actions, but these must be tied directly to verifiable and irreversible steps toward denuclearization. She believes these specific issues need to be addressed through negotiations.
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The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability. I do not agree with rewarding Kim Jong-un with a presidential visit that bestows legitimacy until certain conditions are met indicating a willingness to dismantle its nuclear program.
The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability. I do not agree with rewarding Kim Jong-un with a presidential visit that bestows legitimacy until certain conditions are met indicating a willingness to dismantle its nuclear program.
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No. Economic sanctions can provide strong leverage against North Korea and help counter proliferation but must be appropriately targeted to ensure that they don’t further the suffering of the North Korean people. Sanctions should be adjusted as needed. Certainly, we should consider strengthening them in the event of serious North Korean provocations, such as nuclear or long-range missile tests. At the same time, with verifiable steps in denuclearization, we should be prepared to negotiate appropriate sanctions relief.
No. Economic sanctions can provide strong leverage against North Korea and help counter proliferation but must be appropriately targeted to ensure that they don’t further the suffering of the North Korean people. Sanctions should be adjusted as needed. Certainly, we should consider strengthening them in the event of serious North Korean provocations, such as nuclear or long-range missile tests. At the same time, with verifiable steps in denuclearization, we should be prepared to negotiate appropriate sanctions relief.
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Mr. Buttigieg's campaign referred The Times to his response to a similar question from the Council on Foreign Relations: Yes. I would support an initial freeze agreement that would have North Korea cease production of fissile material and end nuclear and missile testing, all verified by international inspectors, in exchange for targeted sanctions relief, which could be reversed if the North Koreans did not uphold their end of the bargain.
Mr. Buttigieg's campaign referred The Times to his response to a similar question from the Council on Foreign Relations: Yes. I would support an initial freeze agreement that would have North Korea cease production of fissile material and end nuclear and missile testing, all verified by international inspectors, in exchange for targeted sanctions relief, which could be reversed if the North Koreans did not uphold their end of the bargain.
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Senator Klobuchar believes we need to work with our allies to make clear to Kim Jong-un that further development of North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs will only lead to further economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation. At the same time, Senator Klobuchar is prepared to offer incentives for positive actions, but these must be tied directly to verifiable and irreversible steps toward denuclearization. She believes these specific issues need to be addressed through negotiations.
Senator Klobuchar believes we need to work with our allies to make clear to Kim Jong-un that further development of North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs will only lead to further economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation. At the same time, Senator Klobuchar is prepared to offer incentives for positive actions, but these must be tied directly to verifiable and irreversible steps toward denuclearization. She believes these specific issues need to be addressed through negotiations.
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The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability.
The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability.
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Yes. Even as we work toward the long-term goal of denuclearization, we should focus on taking practical, reciprocal steps in the near-term to reduce the threat and build mutual trust. As a first step, I would be prepared, in consultation with our allies and partners, to consider partial, time-limited sanctions relief and other confidence-building measures in exchange for a strong, verifiable agreement that freezes North Korea's nuclear and missile activities.
Yes. Even as we work toward the long-term goal of denuclearization, we should focus on taking practical, reciprocal steps in the near-term to reduce the threat and build mutual trust. As a first step, I would be prepared, in consultation with our allies and partners, to consider partial, time-limited sanctions relief and other confidence-building measures in exchange for a strong, verifiable agreement that freezes North Korea's nuclear and missile activities.
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Mr. Buttigieg's campaign referred The Times to an excerpt from a foreign policy speech he gave last year: Yes. Until we can change the present dynamic — until there are good-faith and verifiable reversals in North Korea’s nuclear program — sanctions must remain in place.
Mr. Buttigieg's campaign referred The Times to an excerpt from a foreign policy speech he gave last year: Yes. Until we can change the present dynamic — until there are good-faith and verifiable reversals in North Korea’s nuclear program — sanctions must remain in place.
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Senator Klobuchar believes we need to work with our allies to make clear to Kim Jong-un that further development of North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs will only lead to further economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation. At the same time, Senator Klobuchar is prepared to offer incentives for positive actions, but these must be tied directly to verifiable and irreversible steps toward denuclearization. She believes these specific issues need to be addressed through negotiations.
Senator Klobuchar believes we need to work with our allies to make clear to Kim Jong-un that further development of North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs will only lead to further economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation. At the same time, Senator Klobuchar is prepared to offer incentives for positive actions, but these must be tied directly to verifiable and irreversible steps toward denuclearization. She believes these specific issues need to be addressed through negotiations.
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The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability.
The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability.
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No. A pragmatic approach to diplomacy requires give and take on both sides, not demands that one side unilaterally disarm first.
No. A pragmatic approach to diplomacy requires give and take on both sides, not demands that one side unilaterally disarm first.
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No, not immediately. We would work closely with our South Korean partners to move toward peace on the Korean peninsula, which is the only way we will ultimately deal with the North Korean nuclear issue.
No, not immediately. We would work closely with our South Korean partners to move toward peace on the Korean peninsula, which is the only way we will ultimately deal with the North Korean nuclear issue.
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The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability.
The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability.
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No. Our presence on the Korean Peninsula is in our own strategic interest as a Pacific nation, vital for protecting our trade and investments and promoting democracy and human rights. While it makes sense to periodically review with our allies whether our force posture is appropriately tailored to the changing security environment, our troop presence in South Korea should not be a matter for negotiation with the North.
No. Our presence on the Korean Peninsula is in our own strategic interest as a Pacific nation, vital for protecting our trade and investments and promoting democracy and human rights. While it makes sense to periodically review with our allies whether our force posture is appropriately tailored to the changing security environment, our troop presence in South Korea should not be a matter for negotiation with the North.
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North Korea’s nuclear program poses a grave threat to our nation's security and global stability. As president, I would support a diplomatic approach toward verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. I also would acknowledge the gravity of the situation, demonstrate leadership befitting of the office, and articulate a strategy to address this threat alongside our international partners. A president must be clear eyed about the dangers in giving a dictator like Kim Jong-un legitimacy on the world stage — and clear about what we receive in return.
North Korea’s nuclear program poses a grave threat to our nation's security and global stability. As president, I would support a diplomatic approach toward verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. I also would acknowledge the gravity of the situation, demonstrate leadership befitting of the office, and articulate a strategy to address this threat alongside our international partners. A president must be clear eyed about the dangers in giving a dictator like Kim Jong-un legitimacy on the world stage — and clear about what we receive in return.
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I would work with our allies and partners to prevent North Korea's proliferation of nuclear weapons to bad actors; set the right formula of sanctions enforcement and sanctions relief; and make it harder for Kim to continue on his belligerent path, while making credible efforts to offer an alternative vision for a nonnuclear future to Kim and the people of North Korea. I would strengthen our core alliances with Japan and South Korea. And I would insist that China join us in pressuring Pyongyang — and that if it does not, the United States will continue to take measures to strengthen our ability to defend ourselves and our allies. I would be willing to meet with Kim — not to pursue a vanity project like Trump, but as part of an actual strategy that moves the ball forward on denuclearization.
The Trump administration’s approach to North Korea has relied on pursuing photo ops with Kim Jong-un, reducing economic pressure, suspending military exercises and ignoring human rights. But America got very little in return. In fact, Pyongyang has continued to produce fuel for nuclear weapons, and improved its nuclear weapons and missile capabilities. After three years of Trump’s approach, North Korea’s weapons are now more powerful, more mobile, more accurate and more dangerous — and Kim is more defiant and emboldened. As Kim advances his ability to hit the United States — and anywhere else in the world, for that matter — we can't rely on Trump's tweets or threats to keep us safe. I would work with our allies and partners to prevent North Korea's proliferation of nuclear weapons to bad actors; set the right formula of sanctions enforcement and sanctions relief; and make it harder for Kim to continue on his belligerent path, while making credible efforts to offer an alternative vision for a nonnuclear future to Kim and the people of North Korea. I would strengthen our core alliances with Japan and South Korea. And I would insist that China join us in pressuring Pyongyang — and that if it does not, the United States will continue to take measures to strengthen our ability to defend ourselves and our allies. I would be willing to meet with Kim — not to pursue a vanity project like Trump, but as part of an actual strategy that moves the ball forward on denuclearization.
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While North Korea’s total denuclearization should remain the ultimate goal of the U.S., Mike believes we need a serious and realistic strategy to get there. As a first step, he will pursue an interim agreement to verifiably freeze North Korea’s production of nuclear weapons and to halt improvements to its missile program. Negotiations with North Korea’s leadership, including with its dictator, Kim Jong-un, should involve our Asian allies (Japan and South Korea), along with China and Russia.
While North Korea’s total denuclearization should remain the ultimate goal of the U.S., Mike believes we need a serious and realistic strategy to get there. As a first step, he will pursue an interim agreement to verifiably freeze North Korea’s production of nuclear weapons and to halt improvements to its missile program. Negotiations with North Korea’s leadership, including with its dictator, Kim Jong-un, should involve our Asian allies (Japan and South Korea), along with China and Russia. Mike thinks the scope of U.S. sanctions against the North should be tied to the country’s behavior on human rights and nuclear proliferation. If that behavior changes, Mike will adjust his policies accordingly.
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Mr. Buttigieg's campaign referred The Times to his response to a similar question from the Council on Foreign Relations: We have to accept that denuclearization will not happen overnight and will require a sustained, step-by-step approach spanning a significant number of years. It is unrealistic to think that the North Koreans will get rid of their entire nuclear weapons stockpile at the outset. I believe the most realistic way to get there is a framework for complete, verifiable denuclearization and peace on the Korean Peninsula that is comprehensive in scope, with steps on both fronts implemented step-by-step and in tandem.
Mr. Buttigieg's campaign referred The Times to his response to a similar question from the Council on Foreign Relations: We have to accept that denuclearization will not happen overnight and will require a sustained, step-by-step approach spanning a significant number of years. It is unrealistic to think that the North Koreans will get rid of their entire nuclear weapons stockpile at the outset. I believe the most realistic way to get there is a framework for complete, verifiable denuclearization and peace on the Korean Peninsula that is comprehensive in scope, with steps on both fronts implemented step-by-step and in tandem. I would support an initial freeze agreement that would have North Korea cease production of fissile material and end nuclear and missile testing, all verified by international inspectors, in exchange for targeted sanctions relief, which could be reversed if the North Koreans did not uphold their end of the bargain. After this initial deal, we would need to proceed toward dismantling facilities and then the weapons themselves. This could be accompanied with corresponding measures on sanctions relief, as well as substantive progress on building a lasting peace regime and normalizing relations. It has to be a two-way street. The only way to achieve complete denuclearization is to recognize that we have to address the core issues of peace and security on the Korean Peninsula in tandem, and that will require concrete steps on both sides.
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Senator Klobuchar believes we need to work with our allies to make clear to Kim Jong-un that further development of North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs will only lead to further economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation. At the same time, Senator Klobuchar is prepared to offer incentives for positive actions, but these must be tied directly to verifiable and irreversible steps toward denuclearization. She believes these specific issues need to be addressed through negotiations.
Senator Klobuchar believes we need to work with our allies to make clear to Kim Jong-un that further development of North Korea’s nuclear and missile programs will only lead to further economic sanctions and diplomatic isolation. At the same time, Senator Klobuchar is prepared to offer incentives for positive actions, but these must be tied directly to verifiable and irreversible steps toward denuclearization. She believes these specific issues need to be addressed through negotiations.
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Instead of publicity stunts, North Korea and the world should expect meaningful and serious diplomacy from the Patrick administration with the objective of accomplishing meaningful and serious goals. Working with allies, we must denuclearize the Korean peninsula and end the Korean conflict. We can work toward that goal while remaining clear-eyed about the hurdles we will face along the way. In my administration, we would consider partial sanctions relief only in exchange for North Korea's credible, verifiable progress in drawing down its nuclear program on the way to complete denuclearization.
Instead of publicity stunts, North Korea and the world should expect meaningful and serious diplomacy from the Patrick administration with the objective of accomplishing meaningful and serious goals. Working with allies, we must denuclearize the Korean peninsula and end the Korean conflict. We can work toward that goal while remaining clear-eyed about the hurdles we will face along the way. In my administration, we would consider partial sanctions relief only in exchange for North Korea's credible, verifiable progress in drawing down its nuclear program on the way to complete denuclearization.
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Every step we take to reduce North Korea's nuclear force, to open it up to inspections, to end the 70-year-old Korean War and to encourage peaceful relations between the Koreas and the United States increases the chances of complete denuclearization of the peninsula. Peace and nuclear disarmament must proceed in parallel, in close consultations with our South Korean ally. I will work to negotiate a step-by-step process to roll back North Korea's nuclear program, build a new peace and security regime on the peninsula, and work toward the eventual elimination of all North Korean nuclear weapons.
Every step we take to reduce North Korea's nuclear force, to open it up to inspections, to end the 70-year-old Korean War and to encourage peaceful relations between the Koreas and the United States increases the chances of complete denuclearization of the peninsula. Peace and nuclear disarmament must proceed in parallel, in close consultations with our South Korean ally. I will work to negotiate a step-by-step process to roll back North Korea's nuclear program, build a new peace and security regime on the peninsula, and work toward the eventual elimination of all North Korean nuclear weapons.
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The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability. I do not agree with rewarding Kim Jong-un with a presidential visit that bestows legitimacy until certain conditions are met indicating a willingness to dismantle its nuclear program.
The United States should work with China, Japan, Russia and South Korea to ensure that the Kim regime is not a threat to global security. Our country should engage diplomatically with North Korea without preconditions at the staff level and insist upon independent verification, in concert with the global community, of North Korea's nuclear weapons and production capability. I do not agree with rewarding Kim Jong-un with a presidential visit that bestows legitimacy until certain conditions are met indicating a willingness to dismantle its nuclear program.
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As a first step, and in coordination with our partners and allies, I would seek a strong, verifiable agreement that keeps North Korea from expanding its nuclear or missile arsenal or proliferating to other countries. An interim agreement would open the door to negotiations to reduce North Korea’s nuclear capabilities and ballistic missiles, control conventional weapons, and address the regime’s crimes against humanity. Denuclearization negotiations should also run in parallel with efforts to further dialogue between South Korea and North Korea and work towards a stable security architecture for the peninsula. A real diplomatic strategy to deal with North Korea is not only an imperative for our national security, it is the only credible path toward denuclearization.
Our goal should be the full elimination of North Korea’s nuclear weapons and ballistic missile programs and peace on the Korean Peninsula. But while we work toward those long-term goals, we must take pragmatic steps to reduce the threat now. We need serious, realistic negotiations to address this threat. As a first step, and in coordination with our partners and allies, I would seek a strong, verifiable agreement that keeps North Korea from expanding its nuclear or missile arsenal or proliferating to other countries. An interim agreement would open the door to negotiations to reduce North Korea’s nuclear capabilities and ballistic missiles, control conventional weapons, and address the regime’s crimes against humanity. Denuclearization negotiations should also run in parallel with efforts to further dialogue between South Korea and North Korea and work towards a stable security architecture for the peninsula. A real diplomatic strategy to deal with North Korea is not only an imperative for our national security, it is the only credible path toward denuclearization.
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I would engage with North Korea without preconditions in order to find a path toward complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearization. We can’t leave any options off the table, and we need to accept incremental gains in order to reach our eventual goal. You can’t find solutions to problems if you’re not willing to talk, so I’d be prepared to do so bilaterally and multilaterally.
I would engage with North Korea without preconditions in order to find a path toward complete, verifiable and irreversible denuclearization. We can’t leave any options off the table, and we need to accept incremental gains in order to reach our eventual goal. You can’t find solutions to problems if you’re not willing to talk, so I’d be prepared to do so bilaterally and multilaterally.
